Which side are you on?

Here is an interesting list of people:
Heinz-Christian Strache, leader of the Austrian Far Right Freedom Party, now entering government; Geert Wilders, leader of the Dutch far right Party for Freedom. He is perhaps best known for his openly Islamophobic comments; Nicolas Bay, General Secretary of France’s Front National since 2014 and leader of its youth wing from 1992 when it was led by the more openly antisemitic and fascist Jean Marie Le Pen; Tommy Robinson, who in recent years has led a number of far right groups in Britain, notably the English Defence League, famed for its provocative and threatening marches to push its Islamophobic and ultra-nationalist agendas.  Before forming the EDL, Robinson was a member of the British National Party. Narendra Modi, Indian Prime Minister for the very right wing BJP and longstanding member of its parent organisation the RSS; Jair Bolsonaro, described as “the Donald Trump of Brazil”, and that is not meant as a compliment. Bolsonaro is well-known for his pro-dictatorship statements.

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Tommy Robinson

Not the kind of group I feel inclined to invite to a tea party. They all definitely have something in common. But before you say, “they all subscribe to modern-day far right political philosophies, and some of them, at least, have more than a little liking for some older far-right philosophies”, I will interrupt you and say, no, that’s far too obvious. I’ll throw in one more, that might help: Csanad Szegedi. 

Szegedi was one of the founders of the Hungarian Guard, an extreme nationalist group whose members wear black uniforms and see themselves as worthy descendants of the “Arrow Cross”, a Hungarian fascist party, which happily collaborated with the Nazis during the Second World War. The Hungarian Guard have operated as a para-military auxiliary to the far right Jobbik party, which has targeted its hatred and violence mainly towards Roma Gypsies,  Jews and refugees.

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Hungarian Guard on the streets

But Szegedi found out something acutely embarrassing a couple of years ago: no only that his grandparents on his mother’s side were actually Jewish, but his grandmother had been incarcerated in Auschwitz. He began learning about Judaism, observing Shobbos (the Sabbath), keeping kosher, and going to synagogue. Oh, and he quit all his office posts in Jobbik, though he said that was nothing to do with discovering his Jewish roots, but because of some corruption scandal in the party. Whatever. Later he announced his intention to settle in Israel.

And Israel, currently led by its most far-right government, is the connection. The Israeli government, which in the tradition of Zionism, still talks of the “ingathering of the exiles” (It treats Jews who are happily living in the diaspora as ‘exiles”) published its own list yesterday, of those it does not want to “gather” in its homeland. It was essentially a list of organisations that have been prominent in supporting the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) campaign – a campaign utilising peaceful, grassroots activism from around the globe, among people as consumers, tourists, professionals, academics, artists and musicians, and more, to pressurise Israel to meet its human rights obligations, to end its repression in the Occupied Territories, and end discrimination.

Having casually dismissed BDS campaigners as marginal and ineffective, Israel’s government has now just paid them the biggest compliment possible. Most of the organisations listed were American, and one particularly stood out in the list: Jewish Voice for Peace – one of the fastest growing Jewish groups in America among different generations, but especially among young people. They support BDS and other non-violent actions aimed at achieving peace with justice for the Palestinians. As far as the Israeli Government is concerned they are definitely not welcome. But what about the “ingathering…”? Never mind that. From Netanyahu’s standpoint there are “good Jews” and bad Jews. The joke is that he think he is a good one.

Some British groups also made the list – the Palestine Solidarity campaign, (I think Netanyahu probably didn’t like the name), and also the  highly respected charity, War on Want, which focuses on human rights and the roots of global poverty. They have addressed Israel’s daily human rights abuses in imaginative and sustained ways. The Israeli government denies such abuses take place. There is a simple way they could prove it – allow groups in to monitor the situation. But that is why they have banned them. There is way too much to hide.

But, hold on, what about my list at the top of this blog? Keep those names in particular, and the values they stand for in mind, whenever you hear Israeli politicians discussing the list of groups Israel has excluded, because my list contains purveyors of hatred, discrimination, and division. It contains who have indulged in racism against several differnt groups including Jews. These are people who, in recent years, have not only visited Israel, but in most cases have been enthusiastically invited to come by its government. Shameful.

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Architect of apartheid Vorster, with shimon Peres, left, and Yitzhak Rabin , right

Back in 1976, when the Prime Minister of apartheid South Africa was invited to Israel by its “labour” government, there was uproar both in Israel and the diaspora. These days, hardly a murmur in the mainstream. Now that Israel’s current excuse  for a government has become more explicit about who can come through the door and walk on a red carpet,  and who gets turned away, the spotlight ought to to be shone brightly on its rogues gallery of welcomed guests  I look forward to the comments about them by the Board of Deputies, Labour Friends of Israel, the Jewish Labour Movement, the Jewish Chronicle, the Jewish News. I won’t hold my breath though.

 

 

 

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The spirit of youth across the Green Line

It has been quite a while since I found anything to make me feel a bit more optimistic about the Israeli/Palestinian conflict, but just before 2017 closes, two actions by young people provide a chink of light.

The first is Ahed Tamimi, at 16, already a veteran of defiant protests against the Israeli occupying forces in the village of Nabi Saleh. She was recently handcuffed and arrested in the middle of the night in an operation involving 30 soldiers. The day before, Israeli soldiers had used tear gas to quell protests in the village, and Ahed was in an altercation with two well-armed soldiers in front of her family home during which she kicked and slapped the soldiers. During the raid soldiers confiscated the family’s phones, computers and laptops and were violent towards Ahed’s 14 year old brother who was refusing to surrender his phone.

Ahed’s courageous defiance has made her a symbol of the renewed resistance that has mushroomed in the Occupied Territories after Trump made his deliberately provocative announcement over Jerusalem, with the connivance and encouragement of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu. Her act of defiance has now been supplemented by 63 other teenagers, only these are youngsters on the other side of the Green Line: young Israelis publicly declaring through a joint letter that they will refuse to be drafted into the Israel army,

 

The letter they sent to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot and the Defence and Education ministers, stated: “We have decided not to take part in the occupation and oppression of the Palestinian people… The ‘temporary’ situation has dragged on for 50 years, and we will not go on lending a hand… The army is carrying out the government’s racist policy, which violates basic human rights and executes one law for Israelis and another law for Palestinians on the same territory… We refuse to be drafted and to serve in the army out of an obligation to values of peace, justice and equality, with the knowledge that there is another reality that we could create together”.

The resistance by Ahed and her family (other family members have been arrested and detained) is receiving considerable media coverage here – as it should. The subversive and politically challenging action of the 63 Israeli teenagers, so far, has not beyond a few  Israeli newspapers. Unfortunately, that is part of a pattern. Many courageous actions by Israeli human rights and anti-occupation activists face a news blackout in the West. And unfortunately many pro-Palestinian campaigns from outside do little to amplify the important struggles by Israeli oppositionists.

Activists here need to recognise that the actions of these oppositionists are as crucial to the injustices of the Palestinians being resolved as the daily acts of resistance in the Occupied Territories. Continued Palestinian resistance in the face of 50 years of occupation, daily humiliation and human rights abuses, testifies to the strength of the Palestinian people – much of it continuing despite political impotence. But the military balance of forces are weighted massively against them. An Israel, armed to the teeth, will not be pushed back from its Occupation by military force. The hope must be that continued resistance finds an echo within Israel that can challenge the pillars that maintain the status quo in Israel from within. Refusal to join up for Israel’s army is a powerful statement of intent that should be celebrated and amplified by all who are seeking positive change. This week young people on both sides of the Green Line have been leading by example. All power to them.

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Hebrew graffiti in Tel-Aviv calling for the release of Ahed Tamimi and all political prisoners

 

 

Time for humanity to win through

IMG_4289Home for a family of Afghan refugees with two young children we met in Dunkirk this afternoon. They have been here in a makeshift camp since October. A few tarpaulins, a small tent and an improvised kitchen stove. They invited us to sit on their “sofa” – a few stacked up planks which they place a thin mattress on. The police raid it every week and destroy their home, chuck it out as rubbish, and so they start making it again. The authorities want to prevent any permanent camp being established.

The father, in his mid 30s with very good English, tells IMG_4297us of their former lives in Afghanistan, where he worked in building and construction, and how they fled from a situation of complete lawlessness and constant danger where local mafias rule the roost. His wife – who doesn’t speak any English – looks desolate and dejected. Despite their desperate circumstances their children are energetic and look well cared for.

There are 150 or so refugees camped in similar makeshift ways here, in fields, and between trees. Conditions are less than basic. Quite a lot of rubbish is strewn about, and human faeces.

The refugees here are mainly young men in their teens, twenties and thirties, though there are also some families and at least one pregnant woman – all with impressive survival skills. It is a cold December day when we visit and, as the temperature is starting to drop further, many of the men are huddled around a generator which they are using to charge their phones. It is their only means of staying in touch with their far-away families and with the events of the world. A charity, “Mobile Refugee Support”, comes in every afternoon for a couple of hours with its generator, some who have already charged their phones start small fires to warm themselves

IMG_4285.jpgWe have come here on a visit organised by Stand Up To Racism, working in conjunction with Care4Calais.  We get on the coach in central London at 6.30 in the morning and are moving by 7am. Our coach is full, with the largest number among us being young people, many of them students. The coach hold is also full with vital supplies based on a list provided by Care4Calais collected by the people on this visit from among their friends and local communities. A very impressive amount of money has been raised too by them.

IMG_4276 (1)On the way some of the participants come to the front of the coach to say why they are coming on this visit and what they have been doing. One student from Queen Mary University in the East End tells us that her parents are Afghan refugees. Others talk of raising money in their workplace, even from workmates who are not convinced about the argument for growing the number of immigrants and refugees. Their humanity wins through and they are starting to think more about the issues.

We stopped first outside a Care4Calais distribution warehouse in Calais here we were briefed by long-term volunteers and allocated roles for when we get  to Dunkirk. some will spend the afternoon litter-picking, others distributing pack of supplies sorted in the warehouse into bags. We are spending time with this particular family at their “home” before coming back to the main area of the makeshift camp and mingling and chatting to the refugees there.

We met refugees from Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan. Somehow they maintain their spirit,IMG_4299 their sense of humour, and their hope.  We hope that the sleeping bags, food, and clothing that our visiting group brought will be of practical use. We arrive back in London at 10pm. It is very cold and we are thinking of the people we met and how they are coping in the night.

Congratulations to Care4Calais for all they do, and for Stand Up To Racism for partnering with them and arranging this visit. We came back determined to take up the arguments about refugees within our communities,  and to challenge the daily media assault on a set of human being whose current situation compounds the traumas they have already lived through in their young lives.  The visit will undoubtedly strengthen us in communicating the urgency of stepping up  pressure on our government to let in refugees, and enable them to use their skills and obvious resilience for their own benefit and the benefit of us all.

 

A reckoning with the past and present: Auschwitz 2017

tracksI’m feeling physically drained but mentally uplifted and energised having just returned today from the 2017 Unite Against Fascism visit to Auschwitz/Krakow. It was an immensely powerful, life-affirming experience that provided a chastening reckoning with the past and a confrontation with racism and fascism in the present. Just a few days before our visit 60,000 ultra nationalist Poles, with neo-Nazi groups and their special visitors from abroad in the forefront, had marched and rallied in Warsaw.

We were based in Kraków, where, before the Holocaust, 26% of the city’s population were Jews, and where synagogues and other buildings in the Jewish Quarter of Kazimierz remain intact and a community is gradually and successfully renewing itself (the same is happening in more than a dozen other Polish cities).

We were a cross-generational, multicultural group of 48 anti-racists and trade unionists, from those in their teens to those in their mid-70s; from Caribbean, African, Asian, Scottish, Brazilian, Jewish, Zoroastrian, Muslim, Christian, and other backgrounds. Among the Jewish participants were children, grandchildren and relatives of both Holocaust victims and survivors.

The richness of the casual, friendly conversations across these backgrounds and affiliations, and in responses to the organised educational programme of talks, discussions and walks, is impossible to convey. Just to say that many hugs, tears but also moments of laughter were shared every day of the trip.

barracksOn the third day, we visited Auschwitz 1 camp – whose solid brick buildings have been turned into an excellent but horrifying museum – and then the much bigger expanse that was Birkenau, where gruesome ‘selections’ were made every time trainloads of deportees arrived. Most were selected for imminent death in the gas chambers located within this complex, while a minority were selected for work within the camp, and others temporarily housed in the indescribable conditions of the camp barracks before being transported to slave Labour camps in Poland and Germany.

This was my third visit – my second as one of the group ‘leaders’ – and each time I learn much that is new to me. This time I was able to gain new information and insights about the lives of those selected for slave labour, and reflect on their circumstances. Between the longstanding slavery of Africans and their descendants in the Caribbean which ended in the 19th century, and the story of contemporary slavery currently keeping around 30 million people globally in bondage (despite every country declaring it illegal), there is the slave-labour story principally but not exclusively of Jews during the Nazi period, which remains to be examined and told in more depth – with the potential to be linked more closely to both historical and contemporary examples in our understanding and campaigning today.

At every stage in the trip the past was living in the present as we talked of modern daybirkenau processes of stereotyping, labeling, discrimination, exclusion, and dehumanisation of various communities – and also resistance then and now.  We recognised some of the key continuities too, such as with antisemitism. It was refreshing to hear participants from a range of ethnic/cultural backgrounds perceive and condemn the current growth in antisemitic conspiracy and Holocaust denial propaganda and say how dangerous it is.  It was even more refreshing to see that those activists calling it out felt no need to qualify their condemnation of antisemitism with statements about the separate issue of Israel/Palestine.

IMG_0243Equally welcome was the recognition of the role of culture in resistance to the Nazis in the 1940s. Many participants remarked how moved they were, in Auschwitz Birkenau, when we stopped by a stone plaque in Yiddish that was part of a monument and members of the Jewish Socialists’ Group sang “Zog nisht keynmol” – the Yiddish hymn of the partisan resistance fighters – whose first and last verse ends with the defiant words of struggle: “Mir zaynen do” – “We are here”.

Farewell Slaven – you were not to blame

I feel sorry for Slaven Bilic, sacked as West Ham’s manager today, after two and a half years at the helm of the team. He is probably feeling relieved and liberated.

In his first full year managing the club in 2015-16, West Ham finished 7th playing exciting football, and scaring the elite. They won away from home convincingly at Man City, Arsenal and Liverpool – in the latter case, where they hadn’t won away for more than 50 years. In the final home match that season, they beat Manchester United 3-2 in one of the most dramatic games played at Upton Park since I first went there in 1966.

We, the fans, were ecstatic at the victory, but, when we should have been feeling that “the only way is up”, we knew, and Bilic must have known too, that a terrible downward spiral was likely to follow because of a cynical decision that had been taken long before he took over.

Bilic was an unusual Premier League manager, with a law degree, fluent in several languages and happy to describe himself politically as a socialist and an anti-racist. I have haven’t heard any comments from him since the sacking but I would so love it if he has the courage to say what he must really be feeling. My fantasy Bilic speech is this:

bilic-playing“It was a dream come true to return to Upton park to manage a club I once played for, to hear the roar of the East London crowd again, breathing down the neck of the players, willing them to put in maximum effort, a roar that intimidated away teams. It was a beautiful experience once more to walk in Green Street and Barking Road among ordinary West Ham fans and feel part of the bigger West Ham family again, but the moment that those with more money than sense, who are making even more money from the club with rip-off seat prices and tacky commercialism, decided to throw away that tradition, to spit in the faces of the fans, and say, ‘we don’t care anything for you, we have just seen a great financial opportunity. We are moving to Stratford to the Olympic Stadium,’ the club was on a downward spiral.

It is not a football stadium. It has no atmosphere. We do not play at Home any more, there are just two away teams on the pitch. When the teams walk out a few minutes before kick-off nobody notices. The players look uncomfortable, nervous, unmotivated and slow. The clubs owners have presided over a disaster, a catastrophe, entirely of their own making. I regret that I ever felt obliged to talk up the opportunities of the new stadium, and how we could supposedly take the club on to a new level. It was bullshit. I never believed a word of it. I hoped I could mitigate it and over time and we would improve, but now the only way is down. I genuinely fear for whoever takes over. This club had been murdered. I am so sorry for the true fans.”

Of course, this whole scenario it is of a piece with a club where two of the three owners made their money in the sex and pornography business while the third grew up in a wealthy family after her dad did very well producing top-shelf magazines. That’s modern football. Bilic probably won’t find a club to manage run by left-wing intellectuals, but he might find one that still cares to some extent about its fans and community.

Myself and four friends were regulars at Upton Park. When the club moved to Stratfordbilic-managerone of our consortium gave up, on principle. Then there were four. I had grave reservations but tried it for a year and hated it (with the one exception of the evening we beat Spurs). At the end of last season I gave up my ticket as well. Then there were three. I am sure this pattern is repeated among season ticket holders around the ground. In a way I hope we go down and get used to being a small club again. Maybe, some years down the line we will rebuild a community club that cares about its real fans, and will play in a proper football stadium again. I might even come back. Until then I am happier living on my beautiful memories seeing our team playing the “West Ham Way” and hearing the  Upton Park roar, beating some of the big clubs, losing to some of the smaller ones but always keeping that two-way dialogue between the players  and fans and sharing the love, the heartbreak and the successes.

Farewell Slaven. You tried your best. Good luck!

 

 

Too many turned a blind eye

Speech given on a panel at a Stand Up To Racism national conference, 21 October 2017

Greetings from the Jewish Socialist Group. And solidarity with those kept busy week in, week out, tracking the new configurations among our enemies and their new offensives. Just keeping up with who Tommy Robinson’s latest friends are, is a task in itself.

We would have been even busier if Donald Trump had visited this month. Thank you for being part of the reason he didn’t. We must credit him though with one unwitting, achievement. In a world where many want Muslims and Jews to be enemies, Trump’s rampant Islamophobia and his open door for antisemites have generated beautiful and defiant acts of solidarity between Jews and Muslims.

When Trump threatened to create a register of Muslims, thousands of Jews said they would sign that register too. When a Texas Mosque burnt down the night after he was elected, a rabbi gave his synagogue keys to the local Imam. When Jewish cemeteries were attacked several months ago, a Muslim, Palestinian, American, raised tens of thousands of dollars to pay the repairs and restoration.

There are hopeful signs that unity is spreading. A couple of weeks ago a synagogue in Leeds was daubed with swastikas and the message. “Kikes go home!” The next day four Muslims representing local organisations brought flowers and messages of condolence to the synagogue and they were warmly welcomed.

501466-610x402Some of you are too young to know the old anti-Jewish term “Kike”, but the far right are into retro. It is more than 50 years since anyone in Britain dared to unfurl a banner saying “Hitler was Right”, but that has happened on several occasion within the last two years.

This may surprise those who think antisemitism is past history, that other victims have replaced them, but racists and fascists don’t replace, they accumulate. They switch targets quickly, attack many at once. One moment Muslims are in the front line, another moment it is Roma, its Poles, its refugees. And young black men dying at the hands of the police show us that institutional racism persists.

But our resistance also persists. There are only two things though that can weaken our resistance. One is a feeling of helplessness, that it’s always getting worse. The other is a kind of “oppression olympics” where different groups vie with each other over who is the greater victim. We need to challenge both these mindsets.

We must of course recognise that the attacks and injustice each group suffers differs in scale, specifics, and histories, but we must also be clear that the perpetrators of each are enmeshed in the same system of domination that keeps victims from many communities in fear, and privileged white supremacists at the top. We can only challenge that through unity and unconditional solidarity with all victims of racism, and confidence that we can, and we will, win.

I know many Jews who fear antisemitic attacks. Statistically they are more likely to be attacked if they were Muslims or recent refugees – but the fear is there and antisemitic attacks are also growing from verbal abuse to physical assaults on synagogues and individuals. Much of the verbal abuse when I was younger used to be about Jews and money. Today it is about Hitler, the Holocaust and gas ovens. And what is worrying is that this kind of abuse today emanates from individuals in a range of communities. Despite the examples I gave earlier, there are currently some Jewish people using Islamophobic arguments to try to prevent an Islamic charity establishing itself in Golders Green. Let’s not get defensive but instead face up to the educational task we all have in our own communities.

Finally, next month I will be contributing to that education as one of the group leaders on img_0177a trip to Krakow and Auschwitz organised by Unite Against Fascism, and what I will emphasise is that Auschwitz was the final destination. But for several years preceding it, there were processes that far too few noticed and far too many turned a blind eye to: scapegoating, discrimination, exclusion, dehumanisation, desensitisation of the perpetrators. This is going on around us right here, right now in Britain, in Europe, in America, every day. Don’t be a bystander – be an up-stander for the rights of all. Solidarity!

 

Separate and unequal

In 2015 I took early retirement from primary school teaching after 22 years working at the same inner-London school.  Moments, incidents and conversations with particular children remain hard-wired in my head. Like the one that involved Olima, a serious and determined Bangladeshi girl I taught when she was seven years old. I had taught one of her brothers earlier and later would teach other siblings. There were ten children in the family. Her parents dressed quite traditionally but none of the girls wore hijabs. They were absent on Eid but seemed relatively secular. One Friday afternoon, heading out to the playground, I noticed Olima  on her own, frowning, and generally looking fed up. I asked her what the matter was, and she said:
“I wish I was a boy.”
“Why is that?” I asked?
Quick as a flash she said: “Cos it’s crap being a girl!”
We talked about it more, and she described situations at home, out and about, and at school, where she felt boys were advantaged or treated themselves and others as though they were superior. Now I was drawn to teaching, above all, to fight for equal opportunities. Before I trained as a teacher, in my early 30s, I worked in the voluntary sector for around 8 years, more than half of them at the Runnymede Trust – a research and information body challenging racism and discrimination. As their Publications Officer I saw through and promoted dozens of reports, resource materials, books and pamphlets. As more an more of these highlighted racism in schools and education I became convinced that the real fight for equality needed to be done face-to-face rather than mediated through the written word.

I taught Olima in my first few years of teaching, when I used much of my mental and physical energy working to establish a classroom that all  children, of whichever gender, cultural group, or socio-economic background, felt that it completely belonged to them; where all felt valued, and everyone felt they could participate on equal terms. I paid special attention to those who were quiet, and seemed to lack confidence, to girls and those from visible minorities who knew that, out there, society doesn’t value or treat them equally.

There was absolutely nothing that I asked boys to do that was not open to girls too. I was committed also to the children’s voices, recognising that they often know better than their parents what they really feel and want. To the extent that it was possible I tried to make it a democratic classroom. And I made discussion of all manner of equalities part of my teaching regardless of whether it was “in the curriculum” or not.

That is the lens that I look through at the appeal court case which has just found against the Al-Hijrah school in Birmingham, who had a policy of educational apartheid – segregating boys and girls within this voluntary-aided co-educational state school when they reached year 5 (9-10 year olds). Girls and boys were taught in different classrooms, they had to use separate corridors and play areas, and attend different school clubs and go on different school trips.

The school’s spokespersons defended their practice as “separate but equal”. Take a moment to think of the different contexts where you have heard that phrase before, and you know it is invariably “separate and unequal”.

There was only one time we segregated pupils when I was teaching:  during one of our series of sex education sessions where we provided a girls-only session with a female teacher, and a boys-only session with a male teacher, where particularly sensitive matters could be more freely discussed. We felt it really important that in other sex education sessions boys and girls were actually together learning about each other and what happens as they each go through puberty and through their adolescence.

Many anti racists will be tempted to see this case purely through the lens of Islamophobia and disregard or push to the far margins other equality issues it raises. I think they are wrong.

In the period of the mid-1990s when I was taught Olima, there were certainly racist attacks in the neighbourhood – her family suffered one. One reason there were few Bangladeshis at our school at that time was that they were chased off the nearest estates by racist gangs, and made extremely unwelcome by residents associations dominated by white racists. It took a while for the Bangladeshi community to establish itself in numbers. But the word “Islamophobia” did not figure then.

The right wing newspapers at the time, in time-honored divide and rule manner played  minorities off against each other. They claimed to “admire” the moral values of Asian communities, especially Muslims. They concentrated more on attacking and undermining the Caribbean community. The Mail and the Express  wrote nausea-inducing features urging Black youth to be more like their “hardworking” Asian counterparts who lived quiet “family and community oriented” lives.

That’s was then, this is now. The oppression and discrimination suffered by Caribbean youth has not receded, but a specific anti-Muslim racism has come obsessively to the fore on the mainstream right. The far right groups, though, have not forgotten the others they hate and despise, though sometimes it seems the anti-racist movement does.

the-sun-never-sets-on-the-british-empireIslamophobia and the colonial mindset was certainly present in an earlier instance where al-Hijrah school hit the headlines, condemned by OFSTED for not teaching “British Values”, which the last time I looked were more rooted in empire, slavery and racial superiority. The values of democracy and equality were born more in the communities around the world that resisted this oppression. Defending Muslim schools from that kind of attack does not mean endorsing their practices, especially when it is to the detriment of significant numbers of Muslims who happen to be female and children. if we are principled in our stand for equality for Muslim communities in the face of anti-Muslim racism (Islamophobia), then we will also stand with those oppressed within their own communities and fighting for equality. The fight against educational apartheid is right  whether it occurs in Muslim, Jewish, Christian or any other schools and the judgement made it absolutely clear that schools from each community were now obliged to end educational apartheid.

And before anyone holds up the straw-person of “but there are other single sex schools in Britain”, I don’t approve of them either, but here we have one school, one institution, not single-sex, treating half of its school population differently.

I don’t know what Olima is doing now but I hope we are fighting for a world where we don’t let down the young Olimas of today by saying “yes, but the main thing is Islamophobia.” We can and must challenge racist oppression and sexist oppression together, and simultaneously, for the benefit of all who need equality in every aspect of their lives.

“This Jew Business” – a taste of the 1930s

Antisemitism in 1930s Britain is most commonly associated with the aristocratic politician Sir Oswald Mosley (6th Baron of Ancoats), and his Blackshirt movement – the British Union of Fascists, which mobilised its mass base in working class areas. But the negative and hostile attitudes to Jews that he expressed were more widely shared within British society’s upper echelons. perhaps they still are. These views are illustrated in an extract from my book Battle for the East End  that I was was very proud to launch six years ago today at a festival held at Wilton’s Music Hall just off Cable Street at which we were celebrating the 75th anniversary of a momentous day of struggle against the fascists. 

In 1930s Britain… there were people holding high positions in political or social life, or renowned through the arts, who were widely respected and reported… Several of them explicitly pledged their allegiance to the cause of combating antisemitism and fascism, such as Vera Brittain, Cecil Day-Lewis, Margaret Storm Jameson, Henry Nevinson and Naomi Mitchison. There were others, though, whose role in relation to antisemitism was ambivalent at best and often they displayed hostility.

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H G Wells

The author HG Wells engaged in a series of polemics with the Jewish Chronicle in which he consistently denied the legitimacy of Jews as a self-defined group. He claimed that Jewish culture was narrow and racially egotistical, and that Jewish insistence on separation provided a justification for antisemitism. “It may not be a bad thing,” he argued, “if they [the Jews] thought themselves out of existence altogether.” The playwright George Bernard Shaw, in an interview in the American Hebrew, offered the following advice for Jews: “Those Jews who still want to be the chosen race – chosen by the late Lord Balfour – can go to Palestine and stew in their own juice. The rest had

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J B Priestley

better stop being Jews and start being human beings.” Fellow author JB Priestley became embroiled in a controversy over the participation of Jews in enterprise and finance. In an article entitled “This Jew Business”, which was ostensibly a reply to antisemitism, he suggested instituting a quota system through which there would be one Jew in every business, but, he added as qualification, “not at the top”.

Elsewhere in the publishers’ lists was Douglas Reed, a former foreign correspondent of The Times, who emerged as a prolific and popular writer with a set of searing social commentaries, such as Insanity Fair, Disgrace Abounding, All Our Tomorrows, and Lest We Regret, which were eagerly devoured by a growing readership. Each of these eminently readable books, which ran to several reprints, typically contained at least one colourful chapter incorporating a multi-faceted attack on Jewry.  Reed would attack Jews’ foreignness, make allegations of clannishness, and denounce their corporate action,

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Douglas Reed

which, he claimed was not merely inimical to the national interest, but expressed their striving for power and dominance.  “When you give Jews full equality,” he argued, they “use it to become a privileged group, not to become equals”. Such arguments registered with non-Jewish readers feeling economic hardship and looking for someone to blame. Through his journalistic role as a foreign correspondent he knew Berlin and other German cities  very well, and although he had a low opinion of Adolf  Hitler, whom he regarded as crude and unsophisticated in his propaganda, he nevertheless attempted to justify  the pre-war actions of the Nazi party that had stripped Jews of their place in German society.

Among political figures, Norwich MP George Hartland alleged and then attacked “Jewish control” of the cinema.  He claimed that: “There are millions of boys and girls in  this country… [whose] …souls are being taken from them  as blood money for a syndicate of dirty American Jews –  the Hollywood magnates.”

Admiral George Cuthbert Cayley, a patron of the British Israel World Federation – a very

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Admiral Cuthbert Cayley

right wing body claiming to defend “Christian constitution and divine destiny”  – was addressing a fête held by the Berwick  Conservative Association when he commented on the  aspirations of Herbert Samuel by asking: “Why should we  want a Jew to lead our party?” He added for good measure,  “Hitler is quite right to a certain extent in getting rid of some of the Jewry of Germany. I am inclined to think we may have to do the same at home.”

Other political figures focused on the popular antisemitic theme of linking Jews and communism. Lieutenant Colonel Charles Kerr, the National Liberal Chief Whip, claimed  that there were “many influential people in this country  supporting the Communist Party, the insidious propaganda  of which is backed by the Jews”. Lady Ninian Crichton-Stuart, wife of Captain Archibald Ramsey, MP for  Peebles and Southern Midlothian, put a similar message  even more emphatically: she believed that there was “an international group of Jews behind world revolution in  every single country at the present time”. When challenged through the Jewish Chronicle, she reiterated the charges with full backing from Captain Ramsey.

Ramsey himself, an aristocrat deeply involved with fundamentalist Christian organisations, became convinced that The Protocols of the Elders of Zion were true.  He was unabashed by the accusation of being anti-Jewish, although he considered the terminology used by his accusers often lacked rigour. He openly acknowledged and justified his oppositional attitude to the Jews:

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Captain Archibald Ramsey

“The only correct term for the mis-called ‘antisemitic’ is ‘Jew-wise’. It is indeed the only fair and honest term. The phrase ‘antisemite’ is merely a propaganda  word used to stampede the unthinking public into dismissing the whole subject from their minds without examination: so long as that is tolerated these evils will not only continue, but grow  worse. The ‘Jew-wise’ know that we have in Britain a Jewish Imperium in Imperio, which, in spite of all protestations and camouflage, is Jewish first and  foremost, and in complete unison with the remainder of World Jewry.”

The instances of discrimination and expressions of  ideological conviction described above testified to the  existence of a widespread belief, though held to different  degrees, that Jews were an alien and disruptive force in  society. The essence of their threat was seen as being rooted in Jews’ corporate action. When Jews shared an  activity it was evaluated differently from a group of  Gentiles engaged in exactly the same activity. This was particularly the case in relation to Jews entering the professions.

The Nobel Prize winner Sir Henry Hallett Dale, Director of the National Institute of

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Sir Henry Hallett Dale

Medical Research, unwittingly caused a few eyebrows to be raised during  his guest of honour speech to the 10th annual dinner  hosted by the Jewish Hospital Medical Society at  Piccadilly’s Trocadero Restaurant in December 1937. He  argued forcefully against Jews “crowding” the professions,  claiming that he did not believe it more healthy for  a predominantly non-Jewish people to receive all or most  of their medical attention from Jews, “than it would be  for a Gentile nation to be subjected to a wholly Jewish  government.

41hZ4VmFjXL._SX326_BO1,204,203,200_Battle for the East End: Jewish responses to fascism in the 1930s, is published by Five Leaves Publications, 12.99. You can order it here to avoid going to Amazon: https://inpressbooks.co.uk/products/battle-for-the-east-end-jewish-responses-to-fascism-in-the-1930s

 

Northern Lights shining over Cable Street

I am indebted to Richard Burgon, MP for East Leeds, one of the rising stars of the Labour Party since Jeremy Corbyn became leader, for highlighting an important moment in Britain’s anti-fascist history that took place in Leeds, which was overshadowed by the iconic clash a week later 200 miles south in London’s East End.

Yesterday he tweeted: “81 years ago today – Labour party, Communist party and others stood in solidarity with Leeds Jewish community and sent fascists packing.” This tweet linked to an article in the Yorkshire Post recalling the day in late September when 1,000 members of Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts had planned to march right through the Leylands, a working class Jewish district of Leeds, later demolished in slum clearances . Leeds, of course was much smaller than London, but whereas Jews comprised around 3.5% of London’s population at the time, they comprised more than 6% of Leeds’ inhabitants.

The Yorkshire Post article recalls that the night before the march “swastikas and slogans were daubed on the area’s Jewish owned shops”. The article described how Mosley marched his supporters to Holbeck Moor for a rally but: “Waiting for them were 30,000 Leeds residents, many of them Communist Party members who had been mobilising in local pubs during the previous week.” It went on to describe how they sang the Red Flag as Mosley began his speech and pelted him and his bodyguards with stones. One apparently hit him, and  in total 40 fascists were injured during the clashes. The report says “Only three people were arrested, and all were given light sentences.”

imageI can add some detail to this story. When I was researching my book Battle for the East End, published in 2011, I found other reports of this event. What interested me most was the story of one of those who ended up in court. His name was John Hodgeson, a 19 year old, non-Jewish warehouse worker. He was charged with throwing a stone at Mosley, which sadly missed. In my book I wrote:

When magistrate Horace Marshall asked Hodgeson which words of Mosley’s annoyed him, he said that Mosley “made a reference to the ‘Yids’ and referred to the crowd as ‘socialist scum’, to which Marshall replied: ‘I do not in the least understand why these remarks offend you if you are none of these things.’

Hodgeson was fined £2. Clearly the magistrate had no concept of empathy or solidarity. What was also interesting was that the police, with the support of the local authority, chose to redirect the fascists’ march away from the Jewish area. A week later 7,000 police, including every mounted policeman in London descended on the East End precisely to facilitate Mosley attempting to march right through the the most heavily Jewish-populated streets of the area.

Remembering John Hodgeson, and the lessons of solidarity.

If you want to know more about how Mosley fared on 4th October, come to my Anti-Fascist Footprints guided walk on 8th October. Further details and booking at http://www.eastendwalks.com

 

 

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Always with the oppressed

My speech at the public launch of Jewish Voice For Labour, at a fringe meeting of the Labour Conference 2017, attended by more than 200 people.

A few weeks ago I was in Poland. My fifth visit to a country that many describe simply as the biggest Jewish graveyard. Three million of its 3.3m pre-war Jewish population were exterminated by the Nazis. Today it has a very right wing government and active far-right groups. You see antisemitic graffiti on some walls.

And yet in 15 Polish cities Jewish communities are reviving and growing. In Kazimierz, Krakow’s old Jewish quarter, there are several very old synagogues. Two function as synagogues; others house exhibitions, bookshops, cultural initiatives. Their doors are open. There is no grafitti on them. Yet none of them are bristling with CCTV, high fences, or hyped-up, walkie-talkie bearing Israeli guards.

A Jewish community centre founded in Krakow in 2009, offers cultural activities that appeal across the Jewish spectrum from secular to religious. It positively welcomes visitors. Many non-Jews come to events there. It also hosts Roma Gypsy community meetings and refugee support groups.

In Warsaw I revisited the remarkable Polin Museum which opened in 2013. It depicts

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Bund poster 1919

1,000 years of Polish Jewish history and culture – golden ages and times of danger and crisis. One display depicts the range of ideologies competing for support among Jews at the turn of the 20th century: assimilationism, cultural autonomy, religious orthodoxy, integration, territorialists seeking a national home, somewhere; Zionists seeking one too, but only in Palestine, and then, the movement which towards the end of the 1930s commanded the largest political support among Polish Jews, Bundism. The Bund rejected God and nationalism; Their slogan in Yiddish was “Dortn vu mir lebn – dort is unzer land” – “Where we live, that is our country”.  The Bund promoted socialism, multiculturalism, secularism, and internationalism. For them, the liberation of Jews was tied to the liberation of all who are oppressed, exploited, and discriminated against, and all who fight for equality, human rights and social justice. They physically defended religious Jews attacked by antisemites but supported free thought and enlightenment.

Whichever of those ideological paths you would have chosen, just contrast that vibrant, open-minded, political debate then, with Jewish life in Britain today, where our self-proclaimed spokespersons – the Board of Deputies, the Chief Rabbi, the Israeli Embassy, the Jewish Chronicle – try to constrain us within a narrow range of conservative orthodoxies and imperatives, centered on Zionism and religion, and even Zionism as religion, as they label critics “self-hating Jews”.

How can we rebuild open-minded debate in the Jewish community today? How can we strengthen left-wing and liberatory ideas in a community taught to be fearful and paranoid? How can we rebuild Jewish support for Labour, which took a battering during what was mostly a manufactured smear campaign about antisemitism and the Labour Party, a campaign that targeted the Labour left, and Jeremy Corbyn in particular, despite Corbyn’s total commitment to human rights, and his lifelong opposition to all racism and discrimination?.

Of course, we are far from the times when solidly labour- supporting working class Jews formed the bulk of our community, but there are still some struggling working class Jews, unemployed Jews, Jewish single parents just getting by, pensioners whose living standards are falling. Many Jews work in the underfunded and threatened public sector as teachers, college lecturers, social workers, health workers, community workers. There are Jewish cab drivers who have been undercut by Uber’s disgraceful work practices, small shopkeepers squeezed by bigger enterprises, and Jews who suffer racist and fascist abuse, threats and violence…

All of those Jews would benefit from a Labour government that has a manifesto for social justice and is serious about tackling racist and fascist threats. Should their needs and interests be sacrificed, because our more comfortable so-called “community leaders” are discomfited by critical words from the Left about Israeli policy, Israeli military actions, the settlers, the occupation? Should the real needs and interests of diaspora Jews be sacrificed because they conflict with the priorities of Israel’s leaders who insist that they put Israel at the centre of Jewish life, and make defence of Israel their biggest political priority? Should we cut ourselves off from allies in other ethnic minorities, because Jewish leaders don’t like what they say, or might think about Israel?

These questions have been raised sharply for American Jews in recent months. They now have a president, who combines pro-Zionism with racism towards Mexicans, Muslims, Blacks and refugees, and has an open door for fascists and antisemites. Even some centre-right Jewish bodies there have become alarmed. Jews on the left have been active in the protest movements and very supportive of Black Lives Matter and refugee support campaigns, but right wing Zionists and some orthodox Jewish religious bodies have embraced Donald Trump.

Trump’s election adverts included a picture of Hilary Clinton in front of stacked up dollar bills, with the words “Most corrupt politician ever” encased in a Star of David. Another, which promised to rescue America from powerful global interests, fingered three wealthy Jews. Trump’s appointee Steve Bannon, said he didn’t want his daughters to go to school with Jews. Yet the day Donald Trump took office, our Board of Deputies President here, Jonathan Arkush, was one of the first to congratulate him.

A bit of personal biography to amplify these points. I became politically active in the mid-1970s aged 16. I was in a kibbutz-oriented Zionist youth group that encouraged us to see our future in Israel. But I also started attending anti-fascist demonstrations. The National Front, led by Nazi antisemites, was growing and marching through immigrant areas. In 1978 a huge anti-fascist initiative was launched – the Anti-Nazi League. The impetus was from the left.  Its sponsors and supporters encompassed trade union leaders, Labour MPs, footballers, musicians, actors, academics, and grassroots activists, and included several Jewish names. Alongside it, a brilliant campaign called Rock Against Racism, attracted youth from all communities, including young Jews.

IMG_2856In April 1978, 80,000 people marched from Trafalgar Square to Victoria Park in the East End for the first Rock Against Racism Carnival. I was already active in the Jewish Socialists’ Group by then. As we left Trafalgar Square, members of left wing Zionist groups, Habonim and Mapam, marched near us.

But we were flouting the wishes of the Board of Deputies and the Jewish Chronicle, who used all their energies to persuade Jews not to join with other minorities and the labour movement against the fascists because they might mix with people they disagree with over Israel.

I remember Jewish Socialists’ Group founder, Aubrey Lewis, a veteran anti-fascist from Manchester, telling us: “This has actually got nothing to do with Israel or Zionism. The Jewish establishment just want to keep young Jews away from the left.” And I can’t help thinking that, alongside a desire to shield Netanyahu’s government from criticism, some very similar plain anti-left motives have been at play in the last couple of years, as Jewish community spokespeople have jumped on the anti-Corbyn bandwagon.

Take for example Chief Rabbi Ephraim Mirvis, who does not actually represent secular, Reform, Liberal or ultra-orthodox Jews, though the media treat him as if he does.

How many Jews here voted for him?

Last year, when the Tories ran a filthy Islamophobic campaign against Sadiq Khan for London Mayor, anti-racist activists from all communities were livid. The day before that election, Chief Rabbi Mirvis was handed a front page slot in the Daily Telegraph. He wrote not a single word about that racist Tory campaign. How would Muslim communities receive that? I don’t think he cared. Instead, he devoted his article to a full-on attack on Labour, smearing them as antisemites, claiming ridiculously that Zionism was an essential part of Judaism.  He obviously has not been to the Polin Museum. He described anti-Zionists and, effectively, all critics of Israel, all Palestinians, as antisemites. But the point of his intervention was not just to defend Israel – it was to strengthen a political alignment of the Jewish community with the Tories.

So who can challenge this? Left wing Jews surely. Up until now, though, the sole representative of Jews within the Labour Party has been the Jewish Labour Movement (JLM). They turned out in force on the march and rally marking the 80th anniversary of the Battle of Cable Street last year, but I haven’t seen them on any other significant anti-racist or anti-fascist protest for years, decades even. What prevents them participating is their fear of standing alongside those with less generous views about Israeli policy and Zionism. The JLM cannot lead that challenge, but perhaps a broader, more inclusive, more open-minded group – not fixated on defending Israel – can do so. I hope that is what Jewish Voice for Labour is starting to build.

To return momentarily to the 1970s and early 1980s: two other significant events that cemented my personal rejection of Zionism and highlighted its negative effect on diaspora Jewish communities.

In 1976 I joined the Anti-Apartheid movement. I protested outside South Africa House, gave out leaflets, boycotted… The idea of a country passing specific laws to make the majority of its inhabitants second and third class citizens, was an outrage. South Africa’s apartheid regime had very few friends. But the Israeli government was one… And the Israeli politician most deeply involved in collaborating with South Africa was not even a far right fanatic like Netanyahu, Sharon, or Begin, but Shimon Peres of the Israeli Labour Party.

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Jewish ANC members Joe Slovo (left), Ronnie Kasrils (middle)

Apartheid was defeated in South Africa. Many white ANC activists who were part of the Black-led struggle for liberation, were Jewish communists and socialists, descended from Bundists. I don’t think they thought much of Shimon Peres. Several of those Jewish ANC veterans have since condemned the apartheid-style policies of the Israeli government today as very similar to what they were fighting against.

In the late 1970s, Israel was a major arms supplier to another despicable right wing regime – the junta in Argentina, where 30,000 people “disappeared” between 1976 and 1983. Jews comprised 1% of the Argentine population: they made up more than 12% of those that disappeared. So were those arms to defend Jews from the junta or defend the junta from the Jews? You know the answer.

These are very stark cases, where Israeli policies are diametrically opposed to the interests of diaspora Jews. Most cases are less extreme but if we allow ourselves, as Jews, to examine the relationship between the Israel and the diaspora, we will then be more able to rebuild the association of Jews with progressive politics, human rights, and anti-racism. And our community will also speak out more against the daily human rights abuses committed by Israeli authorities against Palestinians – and support a growing number of young Israelis who are doing so too.

So, in Jewish Voice for Labour, we are about reviving Jewish radical thought and action today. But people don’t abandon previously held positions overnight, especially those so tied up with their identity and sense of self. What helped me and others in the Jewish Socialists’ Group, was having a very positive attitude to Jewish culture, being proud of our progressive Jewish identities and heritage and keen to rediscover and renew radical Jewish culture, I hope Jewish Voice for Labour will reflect that too.

My talk started in Poland. I want to finish with the words of two outstanding Polish Jewish socialists from rival political groups in the 1930s. One was in the Polish Communist party – albeit its left opposition. The other was in the Tsukunft, the Bund’s youth organization. But there is a symmetry to their philosophy that still applies to this day.

deutscherThe first is Isaac Deutscher who died in London in 1967: He asked what makes a Jew.  He answered: “Religion? I am an atheist. Jewish nationalism? I am an internationalist. In neither sense am I, therefore, a Jew. I am however, a Jew by force of my unconditional solidarity with the persecuted and exterminated.”

The second is Marek Edelman The last surviving commander Marek_Edelman_Polen_polennuof the Warsaw Ghetto uprising, whom I met briefly in Warsaw in 1997. He died in Poland in 2009. This hero was persona non grata in Israel for remaining an anti-Zionist, and for saying about that incredible Uprising: “We fought for dignity and freedom. Not for a territory, nor for a national identity”. But the very most important thing he said was: “To be a Jew means always being with the oppressed, never with the oppressors.” Never with the oppressors.